Why is the Liberal Democratic Party rapidly catching up with the Communist Party

Answer from Vympel[guru]
If you choose between the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, then I CHOOSE THE FIRST! Because I can imagine liberal democracy, but not communism. Communism generally cannot be (exist) anywhere, because it is a utopia. Communism (from Latin commūnis - "general") - in Marxism, the organization of society, in which the economy is based on public ownership of the means of production.
Liberal democracy is a form of socio-political system - a legal state based on representative democracy, in which the will of the majority and the ability of elected representatives to exercise power are limited in the name of protecting the rights of the minority and the freedoms of individual citizens.

Answer from 2 answers[guru]

Hey! Here is a selection of topics with answers to your question: the Liberal Democratic Party or the Communist Party? substantiate the answer.

Answer from Gosha Boykov[guru]
Look at the values and you will understand everything ...
What has changed with the advent of liberals? Correctly increased crime. And what the liberals have created, they leave behind a desert ...
And what did the communists leave? Plants, factories, enterprises that the same liberals have been pulling away for 25 years. I think it’s clear who turned out to be more useful for the country ...

Answer from Genady Kiselyov[newbie]
I'm a little for those and for those too. I do not like Zhirinovsky and his behavior is too defiantly aggressive in my opinion. The president should not behave like this, even if the future one. Any politician must observe subordination. I also do not support his liberal policy and active support of business (I generally do not like private market trade, because in order for us to be able to afford all the goods, the government needs to dictate prices and not the brain of some private trader). For me, the scheme of the Communist Party is better. I also don’t like how the Liberal Democratic Party wants to divide the country, some seven provinces !!! Oh my, are we in the 19th century or something ?? What the fuck provinces?? Too aggressive behavior at the expense of America and Ukraine is also inappropriate, especially in the status of president, I think no one wants a war with them. And Zhirik can untie it. For me personally, 3 ideal rulers in recent history are Lenin, Stalin and Brezhnev. And in order for our country to have an ideal state, we need a person who will take all the pluses of these rulers and a few minuses if necessary to improve the situation in the country. As for the Liberal Democratic Party, I only like their desire to provide the country with affordable prices and their policy about veterans, students, the disabled and pensioners. So I'm more for the communists

Answer from Vladimir Kazantsev[guru]
Neither one nor the other, not the third. As usual, we were not given a choice. patriots are afraid of self-nomination. Who wants to soar on the rack, like Khodorkovsky. Or worse, hang such dogs, you can’t wash off forever.

Answer from Ilya Karpeev[guru]
Apple. Elections to the Duma have already passed, presidential elections are underway. I am personally for any president who reforms the electoral legislation and announces early elections for the Duma and the President. Mironov will do.

Answer from Lyalya[guru]
LDPR, because I respect Zhirinovsky. He is a very competent politician, a hostage of his temperament. Not everyone interprets it correctly.

LDPR - Liberal Democratic Party of Russia" is an officially registered opposition political party in the Russian Federation. It is the direct successor of the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union, created December 13, 1989. Thus, the LDPR has been in the political arena for 28 years. The term is not short, therefore, on the eve of the presidential campaign, in which the leader of the party V. Zhirinovsky has already expressed a desire to participate, it is worth dwelling on some questions: who created the party and why, what are its successes and what distinguishes it from other parties, especially past into the last Duma? And why do we need parties financed by taxpayers in the country?

LDPR is the oldest Russian political party. It is one of the three parties that participated in the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of all seven convocations, and one of the two parties that always received representation in the lower house of Parliament following the results of the elections.

In the political spectrum, the LDPR stands on the positions of "centrism", the main ideological components of the party's program are patriotism, Russian nationalism, popular pan-Slavic liberalism and democratic etatism.

Being created back in the USSR, the history of the party has a little less than 30 years. The LDPR unites about 200,000 party members and millions of voters who vote for it in elections at all levels.

This is the official information available in the public domain.

We also wrote about this party more than once (http://inance.ru/2016/12/ldpr/ and http://inance.ru/2015/09/finansi-partij/), however, some aspects of the LDPR’s activity are draw attention.

HOW DID THE LDPR APPEAR?

The history of the modern Russian party system is not too long. Its actual starting point is the beginning of the split in the CPSU in 1988. Parties and movements multiplied and liquidated, merged and revived. During the described period, party construction often acquired a chaotic character. In fact, every politician preferred to create his own pocket party and, using it as a resource, only then negotiate with colleagues who were close to him in views, opportunistically useful or simply negotiable colleagues.

In that period, in addition to the ideocratic - liberal and communist (traditionalist) parties, there were already exclusively "project" parties. Including very successful ones. An example of the success of the project party is the LDPR, which was created in December 1989 and had the original name of the Liberal Democratic Party of the Soviet Union (LDPSS).

marginal notes

Anatoly Kulik identifies four broad types of parties as follows:

Program parts- these are parties with a clear platform, adopted with a certain observance of inner-party democracy, which its leadership follows and which is constantly presented to society. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Yabloko are the best examples of program parties.

Design parties- parties, usually created shortly before the elections as part of the hidden strategy of competing "elite" groups. The classic project party was the left-wing patriotic Rodina in the 2003 elections, conceived to take away votes from the communists.

regime parties- parties sponsored by the authorities, representing the system itself. They are sponsored by the ruling group to increase their power, designed to manipulate and shape the political space, and in some cases, to act as the so-called "party of power". In 1995, Our Home is Russia (NDR) was an early and underdeveloped prototype, but already Unity proved to be more successful in the 1999 elections, as was its successor United Russia in 2003, 2007.

Party spoilers—parties that have little chance of succeeding on their own and are conceived to create confusion in a certain political niche and take away votes from opposition factions. (Political Science No. 4 / 2010 - "Political parties, democracy and the quality of public administration in modern societies").

LDPR is a KGB project

Both the First Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the USSR, General of the Army F. Bobkov, and the closest associate of M. Gorbachev, A. Yakovlev, frankly wrote about the creation of the Liberal Democratic Party as a project. The party was created to "select" the liberal, which did not work, and, to a greater extent, the protest electorate, which, in general, succeeded. Moreover, one can hardly talk about the ideology of the LDPR and its leader. Indirect proof of this already at that time was the ideological "evolution" of V. Zhirinovsky himself. It is widely known that initially V. Zhirinovsky was a member of the radical Democratic Union, whose political position is not only close to the LDPR platform, but also diametrically opposed to it. Such a sharp "evolution" fits perfectly into the hypothesis of the "project" style of political activity of the liberal democrats. The design party demonstrated its strength in 1993, gaining 22.92% of the vote and taking first place in the federal district.

Thus, the party elite of the 80s, many of whom were "agents of influence" of the West, preparing the controlled collapse of the USSR, created a controlled "opposition".

Alexander Yakovlev (1923-2005), the ideologist and architect of the so-called "Perestroika" and liberal post-Soviet reforms, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1987-1990, writes about how the Liberal Democratic Party was created, in the book "Twilight : Reflections on the fate of Russia ”(Alexander Yakovlev. - Ed. 2nd, additional and revised. - M .: Mainland, 2005. - 672 p. - ISBN 5-85646-147-9).

We wrote about this in the article “Mr. X of Russian Politics: Zhirinovsky, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Kremlin” (http://inance.ru/2016/12/ldpr/). This is also confirmed by the memoirs of the Chairman of the KGB N. Kryuchkov (https://jasonbourn.livejournal.com/651994.html).

The general conclusion is obvious. Today, most parties (from United Russia to the Liberal Democratic Party) are such party formations that are easier to describe through leaderism, which is described in Western political science as client relations.

marginal notes

Clientelism - (lat. cliens - ward) - a model of political structuring of society, based on a special type of relationship between the leader (patron) and his followers (clients) - supporters loyal to him or dependent on him. It manifests itself in the form of personal clientele (lat. - clientela) - personal "teams" of individual leaders, as well as clientelized institutions, political and financial groups (from large enterprises, financial and economic structures to public authorities), based on patronage-client relations. The main characteristics of such groups are the closed and hierarchical structure, as well as the informal nature of interaction in the struggle for the right to control resources.

In Russian, today each party is a bag of money, around which a group is formed with a leader at the head, sometimes they even manage without a leader. The main thing is to push through the interests of “who dances the girl”, which for some reason is not written about in politically correct definitions.

POCKET OPPOSITION

In the regular elections to the State Duma on September 18, 2016, the LDPR almost took second place, gaining 13.14% of the vote and losing only two-tenths of a percent to the communists. They are especially proud of the fact that they almost did not lose voters in absolute numbers: a little less than seven million people voted for it in these elections, a little more than seven and a half million people voted for it in the previous parliamentary elections in 2011 (at the same time, United Russia lost four million voters, and the Communist Party - even five and a half).

According to political analysts, the voter is disappointed in all parties and is not ready to support new party projects, such as, for example, the Motherland and the Party of Growth. The people now do not distinguish between parliamentary parties, and not even parliamentary ones. For people it is already the same, that "United Russia", that the Communist Party, that "Fair Russia" or the Liberal Democratic Party.

There are no surprises, all this was predicted at the start - the same four parliamentary parties.

The low turnout in Moscow and St. Petersburg is an indicator that people do not believe that the State Duma can decide something: recently it has been working in the "What do you want?" An analysis of the positions of the majority of active participants in these parties reveals that the positions of the current government and the positions of the parliamentary opposition on key political issues almost completely coincide.

Moreover, party activists do not go beyond discussions in their actions, while on key issues the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and A Just Russia support United Russia when voting, which is not surprising, since the main funding for the maintenance of these parties comes from the federal budget (read our article “Who finances Russian parties?” - http://inance.ru/2015/09/finansi-partij/).

WHY IS THE LDPR NOT AN OPPOSITION PARTY?

There are eight signs that the parliamentary opposition in Russia is not an opposition in the truest sense of the word. This applies equally to the LDPR.

1. The nature of power

The nature of power is the same for both the representatives of the current government and the opposition. This is the power of the "elites". There are those who know what to do, and there are people who must follow the instructions of the new leaders. We will probably say the obvious thing, but we have quite forgotten this obvious thing in recent years. Political parties are needed not at all in order to fight for power: political parties are needed so that the authorities take into account the interests of all significant groups.

2. Democracy

Everyone swears by democracy, but no one is going to build it. Unless, of course, we understand democracy as a real democracy, and not as it was customary in ancient Greece: democracy is for free citizens (demos) of policies, and for slaves - slavery.

3. Elections

Some representatives of the authorities in Russia believe that there should be fewer elections in Russia, representatives of the systemic opposition believe that there should be more elections. But the fact that the elections should be kept exactly in their current form, in this the opposition and the authorities are united. The opposition does not offer anything innovative, except to "learn how to win in dishonest elections."

4.Party

The existing party system is a form of the most effective alienation of a political resource from a citizen. In this matter, in relation to the people, the ruling and opposition groups are united.

5. People

The people in Russia are not the subject of politics. It is on this that the intra-elite consensus is based. The appeal to the people, both from the Communist Party, the Liberal Democratic Party, A Just Russia, and from the liberal parties, is purely propaganda in nature. Without exception, all existing parties in the elections need the electorate, not the people.
It should be noted that the population of our country has not yet grown up to be called a people, since the people differ from the population in that they are able to generate conceptual power, that is, they are managerially literate in their majority, which we still do not even come close to.

6. The Constitution of the Russian Federation

7. Institute of the President

The institution of the President is the ultimate dream for any oppositionist, like a presidential candidate, and dreams of "absolute power". And even representatives of those political structures that talk about a parliamentary republic in Russia do not sternly deny the institution of the President.

8. Lack of an exciting dream about the future of Russia

This is the main claim to the current "elites". They can ardently curse America, Ukraine, Islam, the Putin regime, etc., but to the question: “What do you want yourself?” usually only a ringing emptiness is heard - or banalities like building the same “national state”, only “good” ...

They themselves openly declare that “authorities do not have a single image of the future” (https://www.rbc.ru/economics/24/04/2017/58fdd1689a79479227ba0cd1).

It turns out that the people are the only opposition in Russia. Moreover, the people will understand what the Goncourt brothers (French writers and historians of the 19th century) noted more than a century ago:

“Ultimately, there are as many dissatisfied rascals as there are satisfied rascals. The opposition is no better than the government.”

And the people will look for new effective forms of exercising their own power and protecting their own interests, not trusting this to those who only imitate concern for the people. And what can today oppose the “horizontal of the people” to the “vertical of power”? Only their conceptual authority and their own will aimed at its implementation in the practice of life against all imitations in Russia: both the imitation of power and the imitation of the opposition.

We offer you to watch the video “The Danger of a Fictitious Opposition. Or why the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party will never come to power?

AFTERWORD

The political system in Russia is in the deepest crisis, which we observed in the regional elections in 2015 and the elections to the State Duma in 2016. The fake multi-party system has already ceased to meet the requirements of the time and voters, so the dismantling of the current political system will certainly begin in the country, which can gradually be replaced by another system, in which elements of control “from below” may even appear.

We are in the article “What is the opposition in Russia obliged to do?” (http://inance.ru/2017/08/oppoziciya/) asked a number of leading questions, reflections on which allow us to see the usefulness of certain parties. Here is a paraphrase of them:

On what branch do all branches of the national economy depend?
What are the most important needs of society?
Which of the social groups expresses the interests of the working majority?
What interests do other social groups reflect?
What kind of opposition will be useful in orienting society, its statehood and the state to meet these needs and interests?

Our answers to these questions, see the mentioned article - http://inance.ru/2017/08/oppoziciya/. We highly recommend reading this article in its entirety.

To once again be convinced of the low efficiency of the Russian political system, we invite you to read the interview of V.F. Zhirinovsky in honor of the 28th anniversary of the LDPR (https://www.kompravda.eu/radio/26770.4/3802470/). As always, there are many words, but the main thing is not said: what did the Liberal Democratic Party achieve for the people of the country? And what is the meaning of its existence?

December 13, 1989 is not only the date of the creation of the party, it is also the anniversary of the Russian multi-party system, since the LDPR became the first officially registered alternative to the CPSU.

Today it seems symbolic that the founding congress of the party took place on 1 April. The name also sets up a frivolous mood: what is it, but she never had the slightest relation to liberalism.

After the 1993 Duma elections, in which the Liberal Democratic Party achieved a sensational result, a Moscow State University professor asked students who they had just supported and was horrified to hear that many voted “for Zhirinovsky”: how could you?!

"And for fun!" the youth replied.

If nothing depends on the citizens anyway, and they don’t really want to think and take responsibility, why not make the elections fun?

According to observers, there are two secrets to the success of the Liberal Democratic Party: simple recipes in the spirit of "everyone is fooling you, and we believe that the best way to solve any issue is to take it and solve it," and the leader, without whom the party is likely to would not take place.

In the 1990s, the Liberal Democratic Party seriously claimed a share of the political spectrum, filling the authoritarian-imperial niche. Today, others are working successfully in this field.

Therefore, two functions remain: to create a favorable background for the Kremlin and United Russia, which, compared to Zhirinovsky and his party, can easily look like a moderate, and to entertain the public by introducing a modicum of diversity into a dull and 100% predictable political life.

Perhaps best of all, briefly and clearly, Russian President Vladimir Putin defined the role of Zhirinovsky:

"Lights beautifully!".

The speech of the LDPR leader at the meeting of the deputies with the president in Crimea (http://www.bbc.com/russian/international/2014/08/140814_putin_yalta_speech_analysis), which provoked this reaction, was accompanied by loud laughter from the audience, as the Russian media noted. When everything has already been decided for the deputies and voters, all that remains is to have fun.

Here are some statements by Vladimir Zhirinovsky found in Runet:

“We need to force the government to stop this flight of birds! No more flights north! Let them stay in the south!
“Let our people smoke! Smoking and drinking every day for everyone is the only salvation so that there are fewer suicides. Stop smoking - everyone will hang themselves, ”
“There should be three roads for young people: universities, barracks, stadiums and, in extreme cases, monasteries. And it is necessary to drive there everyone who wants to, ”
“Meat is a very harmful product. The Liberal Democratic Party do not smoke, do not drink alcohol. Now we will still impose vegetarian food on the members of the Liberal Democratic Party, ”
“Let's do our own, including contraceptives. Ours are ugly, but more durable and reliable.”

Sociologists presented another measured the ratings of political parties - and stated that the Liberal Democratic Party caught up with the Communist Party. The results of the Levada Center poll show that these parties are ready to support 10% of the respondents each; and among those who have already decided on a party and are definitely going to take part in the elections, there are only 15% of supporters.

Previous Polls invariably showed the advantage of the Communist Party. In May, for example, 14% were going to vote for the Communists, and 9% for the Liberal Democratic Party. Their separation from A Just Russia remains - 3% could support it, and 5% of those who have made up their minds. Since the beginning of the year, United Russia's rating has fluctuated around 40% - and among those who have decided it is gradually moving down, from 65% in January to 53% in May and 57% in July.

Similar results were obtained and specialists of the Public Opinion Foundation: according to their latest measurements, the Liberal Democratic Party since April began to bypass the Communist Party. Slightly, 11-12% against 10%, but still. Spravorossy, however, according to the FOM, is a little more successful, their rating is in the region of 7%. VTsIOM measures the current rating of the Liberal Democratic Party at 10.7% versus 10.1% for the Communist Party and 6.4% for the SR.

All three sociological services fix the growth of the ratings of the Liberal Democratic Party since the beginning of the year. It seems that this particular party will fight with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation for the second place, despite all the ambitions of Sergei Mironov, who swore that his party would be the second.

The rise of the Liberal Democratic Party happened on the one hand, unexpectedly - because the entire history of this party, not counting the stormy surge in the early 1990s, assigned it the role of closing. On Russia's long frozen political landscape, each party occupied a well-defined place, the size of the conditional "cells" were almost fixed. The traditional indicator for associates of veteran Russian politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky has always been 6-9% of the vote, which made it possible to form a relatively small faction - a small but significant one, since the "Zhirinovites" used to become a key faction, providing United Russia with the missing votes to achieve a majority.

One of the recent studies The Levada Center has shown that among those who vote for the Liberal Democratic Party, most of all are those who explain their choice by sympathy for the leader. Supporters of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the SR more often than others say that they share the program and slogans of these parties, United Russia - they point out that "this is the strongest party, it is supported by the majority" (the percentage of those who share the program is much lower than that of the other three) . Communists and fans of Zhirinovsky cannot call their parties the strongest, but they believe that they will be able to protect the interests of ordinary people many times more often.

But only one figure Zhirinovsky is not enough - he, after all, was exactly the same five, and ten, and fifteen years ago. The political events of the past few years in Russia have coincided with the concept of the Liberal Democratic Party much more accurately than with the positions of United Russia. Crimea, Donbass, Syria, the USA - all these are topics that Russians are at least used to hearing from Zhirinovsky, so they all resonated with the Liberal Democratic Party. That is, by his actions, somewhat paradoxically, he worked for the Liberal Democratic Party more than for the United Russia. Foreign policy for the Russian voter in the XXI century has become a priority than domestic.

LDPR did not have to change, while its competitors were forced to rush in pursuit of the electorate, and did so, perhaps too briskly. For a supporter of the Communist Party, Gennady Zyuganov, embracing on stage with Sergei Mironov, is too much, too rapid a change of shoes in the air. And for the "Zhirinov" it is quite normal. The SR, on the other hand, laid a completely sharp turn, instantly spat out with the non-parliamentary opposition and ruthlessly cleared the ranks of those who were not sufficiently loyal to the Kremlin. The potential voter remained in perplexity.

That the party is a long time was not in the first roles, it seems that it will serve her well, because for this reason voting for the Liberal Democratic Party is not perceived as a rebellion by either voters or the Kremlin. The party has never caused problems for the supreme power at all, it has been a faithful satellite of the United Russia, and supporting it is at the same time seemingly oppositional for those who, for example, are dissatisfied with rising prices and a falling economy, and at the same time it is completely safe and of no use. obliges. Nothing contrary to the general line (and nothing at all) will have to be done. After all, the Liberal Democratic Party is not expected to solve any problems, but only loud statements.

And the motley contradictory program - which, for example, simultaneously proclaims "we are against the disunity of Russian society under any pretext, including the issue of accepting or rejecting so-called Western values" and "we will not tolerate behavior that is contrary to the way of life that has developed over the centuries" - as it turned out, right now it has become the best possible coincide with the way of thinking of the average Russian, who is completely confused about whether he supports Bashar al-Assad or does not support him, is friends with the Turks or fights, restores Novorossia or stands for the integrity of Ukraine.

It wasn't all that noticeable. while elections remained somewhere on the horizon. But when the Russians nevertheless began to be teased and confronted with the need to make a choice, it was the Liberal Democratic Party that the voter's gaze began to fall more and more often.

Select the fragment with the error text and press Ctrl+Enter

Sunday's victory of LDPR candidates in the elections of governors of the Khabarovsk Territory and Vladimir Region already on Monday was transformed into a new political reality, Nezavisimaya Gazeta reports.

Vladimir Zhirinovsky agreed with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to form power on a coalition basis in those regions where representatives of United Russia lost to the Duma opposition. Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov confirmed that cooperation had already been established during the election campaigns. So far, little specifics have been said, and therefore it is not clear whether work has already begun on forging coalitions...

Zyuganov, along with Zhirinovsky on Monday, also turned to the authorities with tough demands for the urgent need to change the electoral law. Thus, the Duma opposition seems to have decided that they now have the right to raise their voice when talking to the Kremlin. For example, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation insists that the president of the parliamentary parties must immediately accept and listen to their proposals on all current political issues.

However, presidential spokesman Dmitry Peskov clarified that he had no information about the possible timing of such a meeting. The election results themselves, Peskov admitted, have an "element of surprise" for the Kremlin. However, he stressed, although a thorough analysis of them is yet to come, it can already be stated: "The elections were indeed fair, open, fair and competitive. This is what the Kremlin welcomes."

Zhirinovsky fully supported Zyuganov at an emergency meeting with President Vladimir Putin: “Indeed, I propose to hold a round table in the Kremlin, perhaps, or in the State Duma with the participation of the president, representatives of the government, parliamentary parties. And designate it as a “round table of political consent or the development of a new power formulas...

By the way, Zhirinovsky proposed to check the upcoming coalition of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party in Primorye in the near future. According to him, there is no need to wait another three months for new elections in the region, they should be held earlier, and a politician coordinated by all Duma parties should be put forward as a candidate. In general, the round table organized by the deputies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on the first post-election day on adjusting the electoral legislation turned out to be very useful.

It was at this event that the leaders of both political structures, which had just shown relative success in the regional elections and declared their joint desire to build a new government in a number of subjects of the Russian Federation on a coalition basis. Recall that in the Khabarovsk Territory and the Vladimir Region, LDPR candidates Sergei Furgal and Vladimir Sipyagin confidently defeated the incumbent governors Vyacheslav Shport and Svetlana Orlova in the second round.

The Communists, as you know, in turn, had almost won in Primorsky Krai and are ready to do it in Khakassia. Incidentally, it was on Monday that Zyuganov announced that party candidates Andrei Ishchenko and Valentin Konovalov were preparing to take part in upcoming campaigns. That is, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not speak in unison with the head of the Liberal Democratic Party, who demands coalitionism from the elections ...

For example, Zyuganov said that since the Liberal Democratic Party and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation cooperated during the elections, they will now have to form new regional authorities together. In Zhirinovsky's interpretation, future coalitions should resemble the one that, according to him, already exists in the Smolensk region. There, Governor Alexei Ostrovsky, nominated by the Liberal Democratic Party, appointed both a United Russia member, a communist, and a Socialist-Revolutionary as his deputies. So in the six constituent entities of the Russian Federation, where representatives of both parties will soon rule, Zhirinovsky believes, it is precisely such configurations that should arise.

It should be noted that Andriy Turchak, secretary of the United Russia General Council, has already announced that the party in power is ready to cooperate with "foreign" heads of regions, if this will benefit their residents.

The first deputy chairman of the Just Russia faction, Mikhail Yemelyanov, when asked by NG whether this party would not remain on the sidelines in such situations, explained that all these coalitions, just like statements about them, are nothing more than a phenomenon situational. Although, Emelyanov confirmed, the Social Revolutionaries continue to advocate the need to create a modern, unified left-wing political structure.

Sergei Obukhov, secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, explained to NG: "It's hard for me to say in what form the coalition governments will be - this is a subject of negotiations. There are different formats, for example, in the same Smolensk region." So far, it is only clear that we are talking about the ratio of politicians and experts who will occupy certain positions. "Zyuganov instructed the secretariat of the Central Committee to prepare a list of managers from the personnel reserve of the Communist Party who can enter these governments," Obukhov said.

Political scientist Andrey Kolyadin told NG that the previous trend, when the authorities tried to ensure the victory of the United Russia everywhere, no longer contributed to the purity of the elections ...

The expert joked that Zyuganov's demand for a meeting in the Kremlin is easy to implement - for this he himself needs to become president. But seriously, then, in his words, "Zyuganov is sensitive to the situation, understands the current moment, and therefore demonstrates the strength to mobilize supporters." At the same time, Kolyadin reminded, the communists often demonstrate their strength, but at the right moment they make contacts with the Kremlin.