Zemsky Sobor 1654. Reunification of Ukraine with Russia. Continuation of the war for Ukraine

On April 6, 1654, Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich signed a letter of commendation to Hetman Bohdan Khmelnitsky.

In January 1654, a council was assembled in the city of Pereyaslavl (today Pereyaslav-Khmelnitsky), which chose an alliance with Russia from four alliances - Turkish, Crimean, Polish or Moscow.

This Rada differed from the usual foremen or military glads in that it was declared open. It was attended by Cossacks, peasants, artisans, urban poor, merchants, Cossack foremen, representatives of the Orthodox clergy and small Ukrainian gentry who arrived from everywhere - "a great multitude of all kinds of ranks of people."

A few months after the proclamation by the Pereyaslav Rada of the unification of Ukraine with Russia (March 27), on April 6, 1654, Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich signed a letter of commendation to Hetman Bogdan Khmelnitsky. In this charter, for the first time, the words "autocrat of all Great and Small Russia" were used as the title of the Russian monarch.

The letter meant actual accession and did not correspond to the ideas of the Ukrainian side about the conditions of the union. In it, the king proclaimed his right to approve the candidacy of the hetman. The Cossacks had in mind only a nominal dependence on Moscow. At first, broad independence of Ukraine was also assumed in the foreign policy sphere - only the hetman was not allowed to communicate with the Polish king and the Turkish sultan "without a decree of the Tsar's Majesty."

However, the reunification of Ukraine with Russia was of great progressive significance for the historical destinies of both peoples.

The Ukrainian people were spared from being enslaved by Pan Poland, being swallowed up by Sultan Turkey, and being ravaged by the hordes of the Crimean Khan. From now on, Russians and Ukrainians began to fight against foreign invaders with joint forces.

The reunification of Ukraine with Russia contributed to the strengthening of the Russian state and the rise of its international prestige.

The entry of Ukraine into Russia created more favorable conditions for the socio-economic and cultural development of Ukraine, which joined the emerging all-Russian market.

Ukrainian merchants sold wool, leather, livestock, and spirits in the central regions of Russia. Saltpeter, used for the production of gunpowder, was an important article of Ukrainian trade. At numerous Ukrainian fairs, Russian merchants sold salt, iron products, and furs. The strengthening of economic ties with Russia contributed to the growth of Ukrainian cities and the development of various crafts.

This day in history: 1654 - Pereyaslav Rada

January 18, 1654 in Pereyaslav (now a city in the Kyiv region), a meeting of representatives of the Zaporizhzhya Cossacks, headed by Hetman Bogdan Khmelnitsky, was held. At this forum, a decision was made publicly to unite the territory of the Zaporizhian Army with the Russian kingdom.

This was far from the first appeal to Moscow about the acceptance of the Zaporizhzhya Cossacks into the citizenship of the Russian state. The Kremlin has repeatedly received such requests over the previous decades - whenever anti-Polish demonstrations took place on the territory of the Zaporizhian Army.

By the middle of the 17th century, the frequency of such uprisings increased sharply - in 1637, the uprising of Pavlyuk took place, and already in the next 1638, the uprising of Yakov Ostryanin. This was mainly due to the fact that the former religious tolerance of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania had sunk into oblivion, and Catholic pressure on the Orthodox population of Ukraine increased.

It is worth saying that Moscow reacted rather coolly to the Cossack calls for joining. Firstly, the political balance of power did not allow this, and secondly, the mood of the Cossacks quickly changed - the Cossacks easily betrayed those to whom they had just sworn allegiance.

From Bogdan Khmelnitsky, such an appeal was first received in June 1648, and also remained unanswered. However, since these calls were repeated, and Khmelnitsky himself won military victories, the Kremlin finally decided to take advantage of this.

On October 11, 1653, the Zemsky Sobor, held in Moscow, decided to accept the Hetmanate as a subject of the Russian state. After this decision, a large embassy headed by the boyar Vasily Buturlin went to Pereyaslavshchina from Moscow to conduct the negotiation process.

The city of Pereyaslavl was chosen as the venue for the General Military Council, where the embassy arrived on January 10, 1654. Bogdan Khmelnitsky, together with the general foreman, arrived on January 16.

On January 18, 1654, in Pereyaslav, a secret foremen's council of the Zaporizhzhya Cossacks took place in the morning, and on the same day in the afternoon - the General Military Council, in which representatives of the Cossack regiments, as well as residents of Pereyaslav, took part.

After the hetman read the royal charter, the foreman and the ambassadors went to the Assumption Cathedral, where the clergy were to swear them in. Khmelnitsky expressed the wish that the Moscow ambassadors be the first to take the oath on behalf of the Russian Tsar. However, Buturlin refused to take the oath on behalf of the tsar, saying that the tsar does not swear allegiance to his subjects.

After that, the Cossacks took the oath. In total, on the day of the Pereyaslav Rada, 284 people took the oath. On behalf of the king, the hetman was presented with a letter and signs of hetman power: a banner, a mace and a hat.

Although the Pereyaslav Agreement did not lead to the final and irrevocable accession of Ukraine to Russia, it was of tremendous importance.

For Moscow, it meant the acquisition of part of the lands of Western Rus', including ancient Kyiv, which the Moscow grand dukes and tsars for centuries considered their fiefdom. This event was the next stage in the gathering of the Russian land, which was reflected in their pretentious title of sovereigns of all Rus'.

For the Commonwealth, this agreement was the beginning of the processes of disintegration and dismemberment, which ultimately led to the complete loss of independence at the end of the 18th century.

September 10, 1654 Russian troops liberated Smolensk from the Poles

09:10 Sep. 10, 2015 1977 0

The beginning of the war between Russia and the Commonwealth for the possession of Ukraine, Belarus and Western Russian lands is not least associated with the name of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnitsky, to whom Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich signed a letter of commendation in 1654.

The document meant the actual accession of Little Russia to Russia, limiting the independence of the hetman's power. For the first time in the document, the words “autocrat of all the Great and Small Russia” were used as the title of the Russian sovereign.

At that time, a huge part of the Russian land was captured by Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which, having united, created the state of the Commonwealth. The Russian and Orthodox population was under the most severe ideological, national and economic oppression. This constantly led to violent uprisings and riots. Throughout the first half of the 17th century, uprisings raged in Little Russia. The most active group were the Cossacks, who became the instigators and the fighting core of the insurgent masses. Bohdan Khmelnytsky just stood at the head of this resistance.

Since 1611, the ancient Russian city of Smolensk was under the Polish-Lithuanian

dominion. In the 1930s, Russia tried to recapture Smolensk, but the war ended in failure. In the autumn of 1653, Moscow decided on a new attempt. The beginning of the war was successful for the Russian troops. The Poles did not have significant forces on the eastern border. Many troops were diverted to fight the Cossacks and the rebellious peasants. In addition, the Russian population did not want to fight with their brothers, often the townspeople simply surrendered the city.

The army of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich headed from Moscow to Smolensk and began the siege of the city. On August 16, the Russian governors, wanting to distinguish themselves in the presence of the tsar, staged a premature, poorly prepared assault. The Poles repelled the attack. However, the successes of the Polish garrison ended there. The Polish command was unable to organize the townspeople for the defense of the city. The gentry refused to obey, did not want to go to the walls. The Cossacks almost killed the royal engineer, who tried to drive them to work, deserted in droves. The townspeople did not want to participate in the defense of the city.

As a result, the leaders of the defense of Smolensk, Governor Obukhovich and Colonel Korf, on September 10, began negotiations on the surrender of the city. However, the population did not want to wait and opened the gate itself. The townspeople crowded to the king. Smolensk became Russian again. The Polish command was allowed to return to Poland. The gentry and the townspeople got the right to choose: to stay in Smolensk and swear allegiance to the Russian Tsar or leave.

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Patriarch Nikon from 1649 to 1654

In the village of Velyaminovo, near Nizhny Novgorod, lived a peasant boy, Nikita. His poor parents noticed in him from an early age a great desire for learning, and therefore they were very happy when a kind monk from a monastery located not far from Nizhny Novgorod volunteered to teach him to read and write. The boy, however, was more delighted than they were, and began to repeat his lessons so diligently that in a short time he already learned to read. watchmaker and Psalter. In the old days, these were the first books given to children starting to read. I don't think you need to say, my friends, that the chapel is a book containing the service of the hours, and the psalter is psalms David. Little Nikita, spending almost all his time in the monastery, fell in love with monastic life and, when he grew up, really wanted to get a haircut there, but his parents did not like it: they yearned for their dear son, asked him not to be separated from them and from the world so early, and Nikita obeyed them, left the monastery, and in order to completely calm and console them, he married and lived with them. His piety and knowledge of the whole church service soon secured him a position as parish priest. Nikita was completely happy and satisfied with his fate. Suddenly his parents die, then all the children. In great grief, he thought that God wanted to show him by these misfortunes that he intended him not for secular, but for monastic life. As soon as this thought occurred to him, he could no longer remain in the world, persuaded his wife to part with him and left for Anzersky Island, located in the White Sea, not far from Solovetsky. There was at that time a monastery called Anzersky skit. This monastery was famous for the strict rules of the monks: Nikita hurried here, and shortly after his arrival, he got his hair cut and was named Nikon.

His exemplary life, despite the remoteness of the deserted island, attracted the attention of the highest Moscow clergy, and Nikon was made rector of the Kozheozersky monastery on Lake Onega. My readers know that this lake is much closer to our ancient capital than the White Sea, and besides, Nikon was no longer a simple monk, but the head of the monastery and, therefore, dealt with issues for which he had to travel to Moscow. It was on one of these visits that he managed to see the king. Alexei Mikhailovich, who knew how to quickly distinguish people and appreciate their true merits, noticed Nikon's extraordinary mind, and by his command the rector of the unknown Kozheozersky monastery was appointed archimandrite of the Novospassky monastery in Moscow. In this rank, Nikon spent the happiest days of his life. His soul did not yet have the shadow of that ambition, which she later took possession of; it was filled only with ardent love for God, unlimited zeal for the sovereign, tender compassion for all neighbors. Helping the unfortunate and asking the king for them was the only occupation of Archimandrite Nikon at a time when he was not standing at prayer. Friday was his favorite day: on this day he went to the sovereign. Alexei Mikhailovich loved talking to the clever archimandrite so much that he ordered him to come to the palace every week. It was here that many good deeds were committed that glorified Nikon! Here, he was an intercessor for all the offended, for all the unfortunate, who did not have the opportunity and the opportunity to pour out their complaints to the sovereign himself. Aleksei Mikhailovich, confident in the justice of his pet’s deeds, fulfilled all his requests, and often the kind Nikon, right from the palace, hurried to the homes of the sufferers to bring a generous allowance or a life-giving royal word ... So three years passed, and Archimandrite Novospassky became Metropolitan of Novgorod.

His Holiness Nikon (1605–1681), Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus', in the world Nikita Minov, was elected patriarch in 1652. He carried out church reforms that actually led to a split in the Russian Orthodox Church.

V.G. Schwartz. Palm Sunday under Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich. 1865

During the time of Alexei Mikhailovich, on the last Sunday before Easter (called Palm Sunday), a religious procession was organized, symbolizing the solemn entry of Jesus Christ into Jerusalem a week before the crucifixion. The procession was attended by the king, the patriarch, their close associates and many people. The procession was heading from St. Basil's Cathedral to the Kremlin. Usually, the tsar walked solemnly ahead of everyone along with the boyars; the patriarch followed him riding on a "donkey" (on a horse in a special blanket) with a cross in his hand.

With the same virtues, with the same love for the people, Nikon arrived at his new destination. And here he poured royal blessings: he arranged four almshouses at the expense of the treasury, where old people and orphans lived calmly and happily; ensured that officials performed their duties well; visited dungeons and, sometimes finding innocent prisoners there, reported them to the tsar, with whom he not only corresponded often, but even saw each other, since Alexei Mikhailovich ordered him to come to Moscow every winter. During these dates and sweet conversations, Nikon asked the tsar for those favors for the inhabitants of Novgorod, for which they begged him before leaving.

But think, my friends, how ungrateful the people of Novgorod turned out to be, or, to put it better, marvel at what people can reach if they decide to throw off the power they must obey, if they decide to do what they want. I am talking about the time when the Novgorodians, dissatisfied with the oppression of the boyar Morozov, decided to rebel. I must tell you that the main reason for this rebellion was an unscrupulous merchant of Novgorod named Volk. It's safe to say that this name really suited him! This Wolf did not like foreign merchants, who were always numerous in commercial and wealthy Novgorod. He was naturally envious and annoyed that many of them were richer than him. What did this evil man do? He began to spread rumors among the people that foreign merchants, having bought bread, arbitrarily raised the price of it. This was enough to excite all Novgorodians, who always liked to be self-willed. So the insolent people rushed at the houses of the foreigners and plundered them.

In these terrible moments of rebellion, when everyone was concerned about their own salvation, the metropolitan thought only of how to calm the people, and did not find anything else but, forgetting his own danger, to go out to the rebels and begin to exhort them. But could they listen to anyone, if rage clouded their minds? The insane, instead of paying attention to the words of their virtuous metropolitan, rushed at him with stakes and stones, and shepherd almost died under their blows! Do you think that this cooled his zeal? Not! The next day, he again appeared on the square, again addressed the people, and his words no longer went unnoticed: they touched the cruel hearts of the rebels, humbled their pride and forced them to ask for mercy from the offended saint. You can imagine that they did not have to beg Nikon for a long time: he not only forgave them his own offense, but also begged for forgiveness from the king; only one merchant Volk was executed with his main accomplices.

The sovereign did not know how to reward a faithful subject, a noble and fearless favorite. For such a generous sacrifice of himself, only the friendship of the tsar could be a worthy reward, and Alexei Mikhailovich fully rewarded Nikon with it. In 1654, a happy friend of one of the best kings of the Earth was elevated to the dignity of a patriarch. Having achieved this high rank - perhaps the secret goal of his long-standing desires, Nikon glorified himself with a deed as difficult as famous.

Possessing by nature a subtle and penetrating mind, he could quickly distinguish good from bad, and, loving Russia, he sincerely wished to enlighten and make his compatriots happy. Enlightenment at that time was based primarily on the study of church books, and the clever patriarch found errors in some of them, which had crept in due to an oversight of scribes and gave rise to some strange rumors. For example, it was said that those people who wore new cut dresses and shaved their beards were lawless, worthy of damnation and excommunication. And shaving the beard was considered the greatest sin. And, unfortunately, such rules, among many other really useful and praiseworthy rules, were approved in the reign of Ivan the Terrible and even entered the Stoglav * - the book of rules, so named because it contained a hundred different articles. Here, Patriarch Nikon, seeing the evil caused by these prejudices, decided to destroy them, despite the danger of such an intention: it was impossible to hope that the people would easily agree to abandon them. Nikon foresaw that many would oppose him, and therefore he did not set about this important matter alone, but convened a council from all the higher clergy and instructed him to consider the shortcomings of church books.

Unknown artist of the late 18th - early 19th century. The image of some attributes of rituals and symbols adopted in the official Orthodox Church.

The changes introduced by Patriarch Nikon into church rites and liturgical books led to a split among the faithful.

In 1653, the patriarch ordered to make the sign of the cross with three fingers, as the Greeks did at that time.

Prior to this, Russian Orthodox Christians were baptized with two fingers. During the reform, many other regulations were also changed. Great Moscow Cathedral 1666–1667 approved Nikon's church reforms, and anathematized their opponents*.

A.M. Vasnetsov. Red Square in the second half of the 17th century. 1925

Until the end of the 17th century, the Kremlin was the center of the entire Russian state.

It was not for nothing that the then Russia was known to foreigners under the name Muscovy. According to foreign ambassadors and travelers, Moscow in the 17th century was not inferior in area to Paris and many outstanding European cities. Its population was about 200 thousand inhabitants.

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Pereyaslav Rada

At the request of the Hetman of the Zaporozhian Sich, Bogdan Khmelnitsky, and in accordance with the will of the people, Ukraine became part of the Russian state. The Zemsky Sobor in Moscow and the All-Ukrainian Rada in the city of Pereyaslavl approved the reunification of Ukraine with Russia by law.

As the economy was restored in Russia after the Troubles, state institutions were strengthened locally and in the center, the country began to move from a passive defensive foreign policy to active actions outside its borders. And these actions were mostly successful.

As you know, from the time of Ivan III, Muscovite Rus began to express claims to the possession of Orthodox lands that were once part of Kievan Rus. The inhabitants of these western and southern Old Russian lands and in the XVII century. called themselves Russians. At the same time, from the XIV century. there was a process of folding independent Belarusian and Ukrainian nationalities, their independent languages, culture, customs, national character were formed. In the XIII-XIV centuries. Belarusian and Ukrainian lands became part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and with the formation of the Commonwealth under the Union of Lublin in 1569, the former Western and Southern Rus' became part of this single Polish-Lithuanian state.

By the 17th century Ukrainian and Belarusian population began to feel the growing triple pressure: national, social and religious. The entire set of rights and privileges was enjoyed by the Catholic Polish and Lithuanian gentry (nobility), and especially by the big landowners, the aristocratic magnates. Severe Polish serfdom began to spread to Ukrainian and Belarusian lands with the appearance of estates of Polish lords there. Polish law even allowed the lords to kill their serfs. Catholicism in the Commonwealth was the main religion, the Orthodox "Russian people", like the Protestants, were persecuted and forced to convert to Catholicism.

Naturally, in such conditions, the national-religious opposition of the "Russian people" to the Polish-Lithuanian domination was born. Russian claims and Moscow's assistance constantly fueled the forces of the discontented.

ZAPORIZHIA. FOR FAITH AND WILL

They themselves had a significant armed force. It was the Zaporizhzhya Cossacks, living in the southern, dangerous proximity to the Tatars, the outskirts. The capital of the Zaporizhian army - Zaporizhzhya Sich, served as a permanent center where the Cossack freemen were, ready for raids on the Tatars, Turks and the Poles themselves. Although the Cossacks, recorded in the royal list - the register, were considered in the service of the king of the Commonwealth and received a salary for that with money, bread, gunpowder and weapons, they often rebelled when they believed that their rights were infringed. Moreover, with the growth of serfdom in Ukraine, peasants and serfs fled to the Dnieper, beyond the rapids. Non-registered Cossacks grew due to them. These new Cossacks lived by hiring to wealthy Cossacks, were engaged in fishing, hunting, but, like the holocaust Cossacks of the Don, non-registered Zaporozhye Cossacks more often traded in military raids.

In 1630, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth suddenly realized that there was too much danger from this free border guard, and tried to keep the Cossacks in line. On the border with the Cossack lands, the Kodak fortress was built, and a German mercenary garrison was placed there. The purpose of the garrison was to prevent the penetration of the fugitives into Zaporozhye and to restrain the activity of the Cossacks themselves, striving to the north.

The fort was of little help. It was soon destroyed along with the garrison by the rebellious non-registered Cossacks, led by ataman Ivan Sulima. And 5 years before that, the uprising of the Cossacks of Taras Fedorovich died down. The Cossacks rebelled under the leadership of Pavlyuk and Ostryanin in 1637-1638. All these speeches were suppressed, but suppressed with difficulty.

The authorities of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth destroyed the election of the supreme Zaporozhye ataman - hetman, as well as the election of other high Cossack posts. Now the king appointed Zaporizhian leaders. There was silence for ten years. It was a deceptive silence, the kind that usually comes before a storm.

The storm broke out in 1648, when another uprising of the Cossacks spilled out of the Zaporizhzhya Cossack region, engulfed the whole of Ukraine and turned into a national liberation war, the banner of which was the defense of Orthodoxy.

Bogdan Khmelnitsky led the fight. He came from Ukrainian gentry. Once Bogdan occupied the second most important position in the Zaporizhzhya army as a military clerk. The Poles deprived Khmelnytsky of this post. Bogdan had every reason to hate the lords: one Polish gentry burned his estate to the ground and marked his 10-year-old son to death.

Bogdan's army moved beyond the Sich. In May 1648, twice in the battles near the Zhovti Vody tract and near Korsun, it defeated the crown army of the Commonwealth. The news of the victories attracted rebels from all over Ukraine to Khmelnitsky. He had a massive people's Cossack army. Khmelnitsky's ally was the Crimean Khan. After the battles at Pylyavets (September 1648) and Zborov (August 1649), the king was forced to raise the issue of autonomy for part of the Ukrainian lands. Bogdan did not really want to go to these negotiations, but the khan, who received gifts from the Poles, insisted, threatening to take the side of the Commonwealth.

According to the Zboriv Treaty, the number of registered Cossacks increased almost 4 times (up to 40 thousand people). Khmelnytsky ruled Zaporozhye and Eastern Ukraine.

But Bogdan then already dreamed of a great Ukrainian principality, which included all the southern Russian lands. Fugitive peasants who were not included in the new register did not want to return to serfdom. They longed to fight with the lords for faith and will. The foreman and the Orthodox Ukrainian gentry were not averse to completely ousting the Polish and Lithuanian landowners from the Ukrainian lands, they did not want to limit themselves only to equalizing their rights with the Catholic gentry.

As a result, a new war of Ukrainians with Polish troops began. It didn't go as well as the first one. In the decisive battle near Berestechko (in June 1651), the ally of the Ukrainians, the Crimean Khan, again let down. When it already seemed that the people's army was about to win, he forcibly took Khmelnitsky from the battlefield and withdrew his cavalry. The peace of Bila Tserkva, concluded in September 1651, reduced the territory covered by the hetman's administration; the register of Cossacks was reduced to 20 thousand people.

It is clear that this world was only a respite. Voices were heard in Poland demanding that the Zaporizhzhya robbers be finally put an end to. Bogdan and the foreman understood that a reliable ally was needed to continue the struggle. Khmelnytsky more than once sent messengers to Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, whom he called only “the great king of the east,” with a request to take the rebel territories under his own hand. In Moscow, they hesitated, because the catastrophe near Smolensk was still fresh in their memory, and the adoption of such a decision meant an indispensable new war with the Commonwealth.

In 1653 the decisive moment came. The Ukrainians again fought with the lords. The Crimean Khan betrayed them again at the most decisive moment of the Battle of Zhvanets (1653). For a huge sum, the khan went over to the side of the Commonwealth. Without the support of Russia, Khmelnitsky's troops had no chance to win the war with the pans and Crimeans.

Zemsky Sobor assembled in Moscow. On October 1, 1653, he decided to join Ukraine to Russia. On January 8, 1654, the Ukrainian Rada in the city of Pereyaslavl also approved the reunification of Moscow and South (or, as they used to say, Little) Russia.

DECISION OF THE zemsky sobor on the reunification of Ukraine with Russia

Last year, on May 25, 161, by decree of the Grand Sovereign, the Tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich of All Russia, Autocrat, the Council spoke of the Lithuanian and Cherkasy affairs. And this year in the 162nd year of October, on the 1st day, the great sovereign tsar and grand duke Alexei Mikhailovich of all Russia, the autocrat indicated that a cathedral should be held about the same Lithuanian and Cherkassy affairs, and at the cathedral to be the great sovereign, His Holiness Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia, and the metropolitan, and the archbishop, and the bishop, and the black authorities, and the boyars, and the roundabout, and the duma people, and the stolnik, and the solicitor, and the nobleman of Moscow, and the clerk, and the nobleman, and the child of the boyar (elected) from the cities, and the guest , and trading and all sorts of ranks people. And the sovereign instructed them to declare the Lithuanian king and the lords glad of the former and current lies, that on their part they are doing a violation of the eternal ending, and there was no correction from the king and the lords. And so that those of their untruths were known to the sovereigns of the Moscow state of all ranks. Likewise, the Zaporizhzhya hetman Bogdan Khmelnytsky sent an announcement that they beat the brow under the sovereign's high hand into citizenship. And that now the king and pans are happy with the sovereign’s great aftermath, according to the treaty, they didn’t make corrections and let them go without work.

Yes, in the past years, the Zaporizhzhya hetman Bohdan Khmelnitsky and the entire Zaporizhzhya Army sent his envoys to the sovereign tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich of All Russia many times, that the pans are glad and the whole Commonwealth on the Orthodox Christian faith of the Greek law and on the holy eastern churches of God rose up and persecuted big. And they, the Zaporozhian Cherkasy, were taught to excommunicate and captivate their Roman faith from the true Orthodox Christian faith, in which they have long lived. And they sealed the churches of God, and in some of them they did it to them, and they did all sorts of persecution over them, and reproach, and wickedness of non-Christians, which they do not do over heretics and over Jews. And they, Cherkasy, not even though the pious Christian faiths departed and the holy churches of God in ruin to see and seeing themselves in such an evil persecution, involuntarily, calling to help the Crimean Khan with the horde, they taught for the Orthodox Christian faith and for the holy churches of God against them stand. And they ask the royal majesty for mercy, so that he, the great Christian sovereign, pitying the pious Orthodox Christian faiths and the holy churches of God and them, Orthodox Christians, shedding innocent blood, had mercy on them, ordered them to accept a high hand under his royal majesty.

And after listening, the boyars sentenced: for the honor of the blessed memory of the great sovereign tsar and Grand Duke Mikhail Fedorovich of all Russia and for the honor of his son of the sovereign, the great sovereign of the tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich of all Russia, stand against the Polish king war news. And you can’t endure more than that, because for many years in royal letters and in foreign sheets they wrote their state names and titles past the eternal completion and embassy agreement, with many registrations.

“GOD APPROVE, GOD STRENGTHEN, SO THAT WE ARE FOREVER ONE!”

“After such a verdict by the Zemstvo, the tsar sent the boyar Buturlin, the roundabout Alferyev and the duma clerk Lopukhin to Pereyaslavl to take Ukraine under the high hand of the sovereign. These ambassadors arrived at the place on December 31, 1653. Pereyaslav Colonel Pavel Teterya received the guests with due honor.

On January 1, the hetman arrived in Pereyaslavl. All the colonels, the foreman and many Cossacks gathered. On January 8, after a preliminary secret meeting with the foreman, at eleven o'clock in the morning, the hetman went to the square where the general council was assembled. Hetman said:

“Gentlemen colonels, captains, centurions, the entire Zaporizhian army! God freed us from the hands of the enemies of our Eastern Orthodoxy, who wanted to uproot us so that the Russian name would not be mentioned in our land. But we can no longer live without a sovereign. Today we have gathered a council open to all the people, so that you choose a sovereign from among the four sovereigns. The first is the Turkish king, who many times called us under his authority; the second is the Crimean Khan; the third is the king of Poland, the fourth is the Orthodox of Great Rus', the king of the east. The Turkish king is an infidel, and you yourself know what oppression our Christian brethren endure from the infidels. The Crimean Khan is also an infidel. Out of necessity, we made friends with him, and through that we accepted intolerable misfortunes, captivity and the merciless shedding of Christian blood. There is no need to remember the oppression from the Polish pans; You yourself know that they revered the Jew and the dog better than our Christian brother. And the Orthodox Christian Tsar of the East is of the same Greek piety with us: we, with the Orthodoxy of Great Rus', are a single body of the Church, having the head of Jesus Christ. This great Christian tsar, taking pity on the unbearable bitterness of the Orthodox Church in Little Rus', did not despise our six-year prayers, bowed his merciful royal heart to us and sent close people to us with royal mercy. Let us love him with zeal. In addition to the royal high hand, we will not find the most benevolent haven; and if someone is not in the council with us now, he will go where he wants: free road.

“Let's go under the king of the East! it is better for us to die in our pious faith than to fall to the hater of Christ, the filthy one.

Then the Pereyaslavsky colonel began to go around the Cossacks and asked: - Do you all agree so? - All! - answered the Cossacks.

“God confirm, God strengthen, so that we are forever one!” The terms of the new contract were read. Its meaning was as follows: all of Ukraine, the Cossack land (approximately within the boundaries of the Zborov Treaty, which occupied the current provinces: Poltava, Kyiv, Chernihiv, most of Volyn and Podolsk), joined under the name of Little Russia to the Muscovite state, with the right to maintain its own special court, management, the choice of a hetman by free people, the right of the latter to receive ambassadors and communicate with foreign states, the inviolability of the rights of the gentry, clergy and petty-bourgeois estates. Tribute (taxes) to the sovereign must be paid without the intervention of Moscow collectors. The number of registered Cossacks increased to sixty thousand, but it was allowed to have more eager Cossacks.

WAR WITH POLAND

Moscow troops entered the territory of Ukraine and Belarus. The latter also rebelled against the lords, but, having no Cossacks, was deprived of the backbone around which a people's army could be created. Tsar Alexei was with the troops. In 1654, the Muscovites occupied Smolensk, 33 Belarusian cities, including Polotsk, and invaded Lithuania. The Russian-Ukrainian army successfully operated in the south. It seemed that the defeat of the Commonwealth was close. Especially since she has another enemy. Sweden attacked Poland in the summer of 1655 and captured many Polish lands along with the capital Warsaw.

In the Commonwealth, a number of magnates and part of the pans began to believe that it was better to negotiate with Muscovy, maybe even unite with it in a personal union, choosing Alexei Mikhailovich or his son Tsarevich Alexei to the throne of the Commonwealth. So the war with Russia can be ended, and the Swedish king Charles X can be defeated. These ideas appealed to the Moscow elite, despite the protests of Khmelnitsky, who did not want peace with the Commonwealth on any terms.

WAR WITH SWEDEN 1656-1658

Expecting the death of the elderly Polish monarch and the election of a new king, Russia concluded a truce with Poland (October 1656) and began to fight with Sweden, hoping to regain access to the Baltic.

At first, the war went well. The Russians captured Dorpat, Dinaburg, Marienburg, laid siege to Riga. However, the Moscow regiments could not take Riga. In Poland, meanwhile, the opponents of orientation toward Russia triumphed. They made peace with Sweden and declared war on the Moscow kingdom. The plans of the union thus turned out to be buried, and Russia was facing a war on two fronts, which she could not afford. The weariness of both the troops and the people, crushed by taxes, the funds from which this long struggle absorbed, was already felt.

Russia had to make concessions to Sweden. In 1658 a truce was concluded, and in 1661 a peace was concluded in Cardisse. Russia did not lose anything on it from what it had before the Russian-Swedish war, but did not gain anything. The Muscovites returned the captured Baltic fortresses to the Swedish king.

CONTINUED WAR FOR UKRAINE

With varying success, the war between Russia and the Commonwealth in Ukraine began. Russian forces were forced out of Lithuania and Belarus. The Commonwealth controlled the Right-bank part of Ukraine. And in Moscow, the copper riot had already died down, it was restless in the Cossack Don and the outskirts.

Many Moscow governors and clerks came to the Left-Bank Ukraine, where the hetman's rule was preserved. Muscovites did not really consider Ukrainian identity, as they believed that Ukraine was already the same part of Russia as everyone else. All this upset those who did not see the union of Ukraine with the “great eastern king” at all. The discrepancy between his own and Moscow's views on relations between Moscow and Ukraine was felt even by Bogdan Khmelnitsky. When the hetman drank too much, he cried, got angry at the "Muscovites", said: "That's not what I wanted!" Many followers of the hetman, in particular the son of Bogdan - Yuri Khmelnitsky, tried to "set aside" from Moscow. Some of them hoped for autonomy (internal self-government) under Polish patronage (Hetman Ivan Vyhovsky), some - under Crimean or Turkish (Hetman Ivan Bryukhovetsky), but Muscovy, relying on its Ukrainian supporters, firmly held the newly acquired lands. The main advantage of Moscow in the eyes of the ordinary Ukrainian people was the disappearance from the Ukrainian land, subject to the Russian Tsar, of the Polish lords and their serfdom.

RESULTS OF THE WAR FOR UKRAINE

The war between Russia and the Commonwealth drained the resources of both countries. Finally, the Poles entered into lengthy negotiations. They ended on January 30, 1667 with the Andrusovo truce, concluded for 13.5 years. Negotiations from the Russian side were successfully conducted by Ordin-Nashchokin. Russia received Smolensk and all Ukrainian lands along the left eastern bank of the Dnieper. Kyiv, standing on the right bank of the Dnieper, was given to Russia temporarily, for 2 years. However, the Muscovite kingdom did not return Kyiv in due time, but secured it for itself. Zaporozhye was under the joint control of Moscow and the Commonwealth, but Moscow's influence was stronger there.

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The struggle for the accession of Ukraine. Russian-Polish war (1654-1667)

In the southern lands of the Commonwealth from the end of the XVI century. the social positions of the Cossacks of the Zaporozhian Sich are being strengthened. In the first half of the XVII century. the confrontation between the Cossacks and the Polish authorities escalates.

The Commonwealth needed Cossacks to counter the Turks, Tatars and Russia, so she supplied them with weapons, hired them (the so-called registered Cossacks) and looked through her fingers at the Cossack arbitrariness in some matters. Meanwhile, the Cossacks had long accumulated hatred for the Polish landowners-tycoons, who oppressed the local peasantry. The Poles were in conflict with the Cossacks, they considered them serfs who take too much "freedom". The introduction of the Union of Brest in 1596 (the union of Orthodoxy and Catholicism) also played a role, according to which a special Uniate church. The Cossacks stood for Orthodoxy. Conflicts began, including armed ones (historian M.V. Dmitriev is inclined to apply the term "religious wars" to this period of Eastern European history).

As you know, the Commonwealth was "the Commonwealth of both peoples", t.s. Polish and Lithuanian. The "third people" - the Rusyns (as the "people Ruskis" or "Russians" called themselves, including the Cossacks, from whom the Ukrainian ethnos was formed) wanted either to become a "third political people" with all the rights in the Polish-Lithuanian state, or to achieve independence from the Poles. The Commonwealth did not want to give them rights or independence. As the Cossacks accumulated strength, the conflict became inevitable. In historiography, the uprising of the Cossacks is called the "liberation movement".

In 1648, a large-scale Cossack uprising began in Ukraine. It was headed by Bogdan Zinoviy Khmelnitsky.

In a fairly short period of time, the Cossacks won two big victories: on May 6, 1648, the Polish punitive army was defeated near Zhovti Vody, and on May 16 in the Korsun region. At the same time, in the second battle, the hetmans N. Pototsky and M. Kalinovsky were captured by the Cossacks, who were handed over to the Tatars. The territory of the uprising expanded, it was already raging on the lands of Belarus. In the autumn of 1648, an army was advanced against the rebels under the command of D. Zaslavsky, N. Ostrorog, A. Konetspolsky. In September 1648, Bohdan Khmelnitsky defeated their army at Pilyavitsy.

Khmelnytsky's movement had a broad social and ethnic base. In addition to the Ukrainian Cossacks and Rusyns, the ethnic ancestors of the Belarusians and Ukrainians, many Poles took part in the uprising, who rebelled against the royal power. Khmelnytsky's ally was the Crimean Tatars, who took the opportunity to fight and plunder the lands of the Commonwealth.

The uprising was successful at first, but the Commonwealth, a huge and powerful state, was a formidable adversary. Therefore, back in June 1648, Khmelnitsky, just in case, began to discuss with Moscow the question of transferring under her protection. Russia's intervention in the conflict could radically change the balance of power. In the winter of 1648/1649, Siluan Muzhilovsky traveled to Moscow as a representative of the rebels. At the end of spring, a delegation headed by Chigirinsky Colonel Fyodor Veshnyak was sent to the tsar.

Moscow diplomacy was at first very cautious about Khmelnitsky's words. Accepting his request was a very risky business. Even if Russia won the war with Poland for Ukraine, it is likely that she would have to wage war with Turkey and Crimea, and this was very dangerous. Such fears led to a long period of Cossack-Russian negotiations. Only in April 1649, a representative of the Moscow government, G. Unkovsky, arrived at Khmelnitsky. At the same time, Moscow did not remain indifferent to what was happening in Ukraine: weapons and supplies were imported there, Ukrainian merchants received the right to duty-free trade within the Muscovite kingdom.

The Polish government tried to negotiate with the rebels. In February 1648, negotiations took place between the Polish delegation under the leadership of the magnate Adam Kisel and the delegation of Bogdan Khmelnitsky. The negotiations only led to a short truce, which the parties used to prepare for the continuation of the struggle.

In the summer of 1649 Khmelnitsky won several more victories, but the political situation changed. The Commonwealth managed to bribe the Crimean Tatars to its side, and the hetman lost an important ally. As a result, on August 8, 1649, Khmelnitsky was forced to sign the Treaty of Zboriv. Under the terms of the agreement, public positions in the Bratslav, Chernihiv and Kiev voivodships could only be occupied by the Orthodox. Polish troops could not be stationed in these voivodeships. The register of Cossacks (which the Commonwealth was obliged to take into service) was now expanded to 40 thousand. The gentry expelled from their lands could return to their estates, the peasants had to return to their landowners. Such an agreement did not suit either side. Khmelnytsky's allies were indignant, and the Polish Sejm, which did not approve the peace agreement, was also dissatisfied. All this pushed Khmelnitsky even more towards an alliance with Russia.

Near Berestechko in 1651, due to the betrayal of the Tatar Khan, Khmelnitsky was defeated. The hetman himself was taken hostage by the khan and released a few days later for a large ransom. This defeat worsened the position of the rebels, in September 1651 they had to conclude the Bila Tserkva peace with the Commonwealth. Its conditions were much harder than the Zborov treaty. Now the Cossacks were left with only one Kiev province, the Cossack register was set at 20 thousand. It is obvious that under such conditions the war could not stop.

• On June 22–23, 1652, Khmelnytsky defeated the Polish army in the Batoga area, scoring one of his most brilliant victories. It resulted in the signing of an alliance treaty between the hetman and the Moldavian ruler Vasily Lupu. In the winter of 1652/1653, ambassadors from the Cossacks headed by Samuil Bogdanovich were in Moscow, who asked for Russian mediation in negotiations with the Poles. In April 1653, the mission of K. D. Burlyai and S. A. Muzhilovsky arrived in Moscow. Already at the beginning of May, an order was drawn up for the "great embassy", which was led by B. A. Repnin-Obolensky, B. M. Khitrovo and the clerk A. I. Ivanov. The embassy was faced with the task of negotiating the conditions for concluding peace between the Cossacks and the Polish government. In case of "stubbornness" on the Polish side, it was ordered to threaten war. Negotiations were held in Lvov in August 1653 and ended in vain. It became clear that if Moscow really wants to support the Cossacks, then it is necessary to intervene in the conflict.
• On October 1, 1653, the Russian Zemsky Sobor decided to take Ukraine "under the high royal hand." The Commonwealth tried to take emergency measures to keep Ukraine. King Jan II Casimir Vasa personally led the Polish army, which marched to the city of Zhvanets in Podolia. The Cossacks and Tatars surrounded the Poles, and their troops were on the verge of disaster. From this situation, the Tatars benefited the most, who held separate negotiations with the king and signed the Zhvanets peace, which gave them a great advantage. At the same time, the Crimean Khanate received large cash payments.

The Zhvanets Treaty had the opposite effect on the Cossacks. The Cossacks regarded the behavior of the khan as a betrayal, and the ego further contributed to their rapprochement with Moscow. A Russian embassy was sent to Ukraine, consisting of boyar V. Buturlin, roundabout I. Alferyev, clerk L. Lopukhin.

January 8, 1654 in Pereyaslav, Bogdan Khmelnitsky, together with the Cossack foreman, swore allegiance to the Russian Tsar. On March 14 of the same year, the tsar signed the so-called March Articles, which regulated the rights and obligations of the Zaporizhzhya Sich as part of the Moscow kingdom.

Ukraine recognized the supreme power of the Russian tsar, but completely retained its republican form of statehood within Russia. The all-Ukrainian Rada was preserved as the highest body of legislative power, the position of hetman, the election of local and central authorities, etc. Moscow did not encroach on the administrative division, financial and tax systems, forms of land ownership. Ukraine had its own army, judiciary, could pursue an independent foreign policy. Cossacks and peasants were guaranteed respect for their traditional privileges.

As a result of the Pereyaslav Rada, the Commonwealth lost almost a third of its possessions. It was obvious that she would not accept this. Russia began to prepare for war. The first step was to send embassies to European countries with a call to conclude an anti-Polish alliance. The action had an unprecedented scope. The missions, which also carried messages about the "untruths" of the Polish king, went to the Holy Roman Empire, France, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, Venice, Courland, Brandenburg, the Crimean Khanate, Moldavia and Wallachia. The West did not support Moscow and preferred to remain neutral. Most countries politely congratulated the Russian Tsar, but were slow to acknowledge the inclusion of new lands in his title. Only Sweden, a longtime sworn enemy of the Commonwealth, expressed its intention to attack Poland. She promised, in the event of Khmelnitsky's success, to advance the 80,000th corps to Livonia and Brandenburg.

Russia planned to hit the Commonwealth in three directions. As A. V. Malov showed, the main blow to Smolensk was to be delivered by the army of Ya. K. Cherkassky, N. I. Odoevsky and M. M. Temkin-Rostovsky. The northwestern army under the command of V.P. Sheremetyev planned to move to Polotsk and Vitebsk. The southwestern (Sevskaya) army of Prince A.N. Trubetskoy was to advance from Bryansk to Rostislavl, Mstislavl and Borisov. The actions of the three Russian armies were supposed to be supported by their performance in Ukraine Bogdan Khmelnitsky with the Cossacks, who were given the seven thousandth Belgorod regiment of B. B. Sheremetev to help. Colonel I. I. Zolotarenko was sent to the lands of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania with a 20,000-strong army.

On June 26, 1654, the Russian advanced regiment under the command of N. I. Odoevsky began the siege of Smolensk. On September 23, after the city was surrounded by 32 regiments led by Alexei Mikhailovich himself, the garrison surrendered. Smolensk returned to the Russian state.

Of the other successes of 1654, the capture of Roslavl (June 27), Mstislavl (July 12), Polotsk (July 17), Mogilev (August 26) and Vitebsk (November 17) should be noted. It is also worth recalling that after the Pereyaslav Rada, Kyiv was under the control of Russia, the population of which swore allegiance to Alexei Mikhailovich.

In the autumn of 1654, Poland and the Crimean Khanate acted jointly against Russia. On January 1, 1655, their armies united near Bratslav. At the same time, the corps of V. B. Sheremetev joined the troops of Khmelnitsky. Between the cities of Stavischi and Akhmatov, one of the largest battles of this war took place, which lasted from January 19 to 22, 1655. The Polish commander Stanislav Pototsky suffered a crushing defeat, in which the gentry blamed the Crimeans.

Further hostilities took place with varying success, with the gradual increase in the advantage of the Russian side. In May 1655, the Russian attack on Vilna began, which lasted several months. The key fortresses of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in this direction were captured - Minsk, Grodno and Kovno. On July 31, Vilna was taken by the Russian army. In July 1655, Khmelnitsky, with the support of Russian units under the command of V. V. Buturlin, occupied the Bratslav region, Podolia, and Volyn. In September, Lvov was besieged. Sweden intervened at this stage. On July 8, 1655, the Swedish king Charles X ordered an attack on Poland.

The Swedish strike was unexpected and brought the Commonwealth to the brink of disaster. In Polish historiography, in relation to these events, the term " Flood"- he shows that the Swedish invasion for the Poles was akin to the biblical Flood.

In early September 1655, Swedish soldiers entered Warsaw, and soon the second capital of Wormwood, Krakow, also fell. King Jan Casimir fled to Silesia. Only Lvov, Torun, Brest and Czestochowa recognized his authority. On August 17, 1655, the hetman of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Janusz Radziwill, signed an agreement with Charles X on the secession of the principality from the Commonwealth and the transfer to the rule of Sweden (Keydan Union). This meant the actual collapse of the Polish state.

The Swedish attack put Russia in a difficult position. If she had continued active hostilities against the Commonwealth, then, undoubtedly, the Polish-Lithuanian state would have suffered an early death. But at the same time, this would mean an excessive strengthening of Sweden, and in general, drastic changes in the balance of power in the region. Russia did not want the rise of Sweden and therefore made a mistake: it stopped the war with Poland, concluded a truce with it and attacked Sweden. It was a serious political blunder. First, the war did not bring good luck. Secondly, the Commonwealth received the necessary respite, managed to overcome the military-political crisis and already in 1656 expelled the Swedes from their lands. Thirdly, relations between Russia and Ukraine became more complicated, since Bohdan Khmelnitsky, who was counting on Sweden's help in the war with Poland, did not understand the diplomatic somersaults of Russian diplomacy.

By the end of the Russo-Swedish War, Poland was able to conclude an alliance with the Empire and Brandenburg, which significantly strengthened its position. In addition, on July 27, 1657, Bogdan Khmelnitsky died, which caused serious political complications in Ukraine.

“Despite important blunders and mistakes, Khmelnitsky belongs to the largest engines of Russian history. In the centuries-old struggle between Rus' and Poland, he gave a decisive turn to the side of Rus' and inflicted such a blow on the aristocratic system of Wormwood, after which this system could no longer hold on in moral strength. Khmelnitsky in the middle of the 17th century outlined that liberation of the Russian people from panism, which finally took place in our time. This is not enough: through his efforts, Western and Southern Rus' was already in fact under the same authority with Eastern Russia. It is not his fault that the short-sighted, ignorant policy of the boyars did not understood him, brought him prematurely to the coffin, spoiled the fruits of his ten years of activity, and for many generations put off deeds that would have been accomplished with incomparably less effort if Moscow understood the meaning of Khmelnitsky's aspirations and listened to his advice.

Ivan Vyhovsky, elected as the new hetman, in 1658 signed an agreement with the Poles in the town of Gadyach, according to which Ukraine again became part of the Polish-Lithuanian state. Vyhovsky wanted to play on the contradictions between Moscow and Warsaw and create a Ukrainian state under the protectorate of a neighboring power. In the choice between Russia and the Commonwealth, the new hetman chose the latter. Ego dramatically complicated the situation in Ukraine. The Gadyach Treaty meant a rejection of the decisions of the Pereyasla Rada, a break with Moscow. Not all Cossacks agreed with this: after all, it meant the rejection of all the conquests of Bogdan Khmelnitsky. It was obvious that Russia, too, would not renounce the agreements reached without a struggle; it could not be expelled from the acquired lands with a simple stroke of the pen.

A split arose among the Cossacks (the leaders of the opposition to Vyhovsky were Colonel Martyn Pushkar and the ataman Yakov Barabash), uprisings began in different parts of Ukraine, fighting on the fronts of the Russian-Polish war (near Vilna, Mstislavl, Old Bykhov, etc.) became fierce Mikhailovich regarded it as a betrayal.

The largest battle at this stage of the war is the battle of Konotop on June 28, 1659. The troops of the Cossacks and Crimean Tatars allied to them under the command of Ivan Vygovsky and Mehmed IV Giray defeated the Russian army of S. R. Pozharsky and S. P. Lvov. The losses of the Russian side amounted to about 5 thousand people. However, this defeat did little to change the general situation at the front: the battle was lost, but not the war.

In the summer of 1659 Vyhovsky was overthrown. Instead, they elected Yuri Khmelnitsky, the son of Bogdan Khmelnitsky. He began to pursue a policy aimed at an alliance with Russia. At the beginning of 1660, the situation was favorable for the Russian troops. Prince I. Λ. Khovansky on January 3 took Brest. But in the spring of 1660, a Polish-Swedish peace agreement was signed in Oliva, and now the Commonwealth got the opportunity to transfer troops against Russia that had been released in the Swedish theater of operations. On June 28, 1660, the Russian army of I. A. Khovansky and S. Zmeev was defeated near the village of Polonka. In the fall, fierce battles unfolded on the river. Basho. Russian garrisons in the cities of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were under siege (for the most part successfully repulsing the attacks of the troops of the Commonwealth).

In the autumn of 1660, the position of the Russian troops in Ukraine became more complicated. They were defeated by the Poles at Chudnov. On October 23, 1660, the army of V. B. Sheremetev surrendered to the Polish-Tatar army (Sheremetev will remain in Tatar captivity until his old age). Historian A. V. Malov calls the Chudnovsky defeat the most severe military disaster for Russia in the Russian-Polish war of 1654-1667.

As early as October 17, 1660, Yuri Khmelnytsky signed the Slobodischensky treatise with the Commonwealth, largely repeating the terms of the Gadyach Treaty of 1658, only without granting Ukraine wide autonomy. In fact, the Cossacks again submitted to Poland and assumed the obligation to fight against Russia. Alexei Mikhailovich regarded Khmelnitsky's act as treason. The situation was saved by the Kyiv commandant Yuri Baryatinsky, who refused to obey the order of the governor Vasily Sheremetev to surrender Kyiv. The famous phrase is attributed to him: "I obey the decrees of the Tsar's Majesty, and not Sheremetev; there are many Sheremetevs in Moscow!" Not all of Ukraine supported Yuri Khmelnitsky. His opponents were led by colonels Yakim Somko and Vasily Zolotarenko. The Commonwealth failed to develop success, and she withdrew troops beyond the Dnieper.

Unsuccessfully for Russia, the war develops at the end of 1661: it loses many of its acquisitions of the first stage of the campaign. In October, Russian troops are defeated in the battle on the Kulishkovy mountains. In November 1661, the Russian garrison in Vilna fell, having withstood a year and a half siege. By the time it was taken from the garrison, 78 people remained alive. In the winter of 1662, the Polish troops occupied Mogilev and Borisov.

In June 1662, Russian troops launched a counterattack and devastated the surroundings of Chyhyryn - the headquarters of the Ukrainian hetmans. In November 1663, the Polish army of King Jan Casimir and the leader of the Cossacks P. Teteri invaded Ukraine. They hoped that most of the fortresses would open the gates for them, but this did not happen, on the contrary, heavy fighting began (in particular, the siege of Glukhov). The campaign of Jan Casimir was not successful, in March 1664 he retreated, his rearguard was defeated by the Russians near Mglin. The war broke up into many small theaters of military operations throughout Ukraine and Belarus, in which by 1664 Russia and the Commonwealth completely exhausted each other. The whole of 1664 and 1665 were filled, in the words of the historian A. V. Malov, with "small mutual raids." It became clear that it was time to end the war.

Peace negotiations began in April 1666 in the village of Andrusov. The Russian delegation was headed by an experienced diplomat A. L. Ordin-Nashchokin. On January 30, 1667, the Andrusovo truce was signed for a period of 13 and a half years. According to the points of the armistice of Russia, Smolensk, Chernigov, Starodub, Belaya, Dorogobuzh returned. Poland recognized that Left-bank Ukraine remained behind Russia. Kyiv was planned to be left to Russia for only two years, but it was never returned to the Commonwealth.

The Armistice of Apdrusov in 1667 can be considered the goy border, where the centuries-old attempts of Poland to subjugate the Moscow kingdom ended. Poland never fully recovered from the wars of the mid-17th century. Russia annexed part of Ukraine and thereby began the construction of a huge Russian empire, which would reach its apogee in the 18th-19th centuries.

The fact of Ukraine's transition "under the high hand of the Tsar of Moscow" received a different assessment in historical science. For a long time, the term "reunification of Ukraine and Russia" was attached to this event in Russian and Soviet historiography. There is logic in its use: both Ukraine and Russia are the heirs of Kievan Rus, have common historical roots, and therefore there is reason to talk not about accession Ukraine to Russia, according to reunion Ukraine and Russia. Soviet and Russian historical science has always talked about the fraternal friendship of the Russian and Ukrainian peoples, the voluntary nature of the unification of Russia and Ukraine in 1654, the help of Russian Ukrainians in their national liberation struggle against the Commonwealth.

In Ukrainian national historiography, the "aggressive role" of Moscow is emphasized, which in the second half of the 17th century. began to restrict the rights and freedoms of the annexed Ukrainian Hetmanate (Hetmanate). Thus, Ukrainian historiography believes that Moscow did not so much assist in the liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people as, on the contrary, wanted to take advantage of the situation and subjugate Ukraine. Period 1650–1680s in Ukrainian national historiography it is called the "era of ruins", when the Hetmanate lost its "territorial integrity" and "actually found itself on the verge of civil war".

It is important to note that in the middle of the XVII century. Russia did not see the Orthodox Cossacks as its enemy, but the Commonwealth. The accession of Ukraine should be considered primarily in the context of the Russian-Polish conflict. The goal of Russia was to defeat the Commonwealth, to tear away new lands from it in the same way as the Muscovite state did during the "frontier wars" of the late 15th - early 16th centuries. These territories in Moscow were considered former Russian lands, "patrimony of the Rurikids", which corresponded to historical reality: in fact, these were the lands of the former Kievan Rus, the possessions of the Rurik dynasty. Ukraine, on its own, for Alexei Mikhailovich was not a military and political opponent, on the contrary, they wanted to see an ally in it. Russia initially fought not with Ukraine, but with Poland. In Moscow in 1653–1654. there were no aggressive plans for Ukraine proper. On the contrary, support for the movement of Bogdan Khmelnytsky was regarded as solidarity with the Orthodox brothers.

Another thing is that the inclusion of new, Ukrainian lands in the Russian state led to conflict of political cultures. The Ukrainian Cossacks were brought up in the liberties of the Commonwealth and behaved accordingly, which did not always meet the expectations of Russia. Misunderstanding arose already at the conclusion of the agreement of the Pereyaslav Rada. The Russian embassy, ​​headed by V. V. Buturlin, demanded an oath of allegiance from the Cossack foreman. However, the elected Cossack body itself wanted to obtain an oath of the Russian ambassadors to the hetman on behalf of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich that Russia would "not extradite" the Cossacks to Poland and would never violate their liberties. Amazed, Buturlin declared that the Russian Tsar could not swear an oath to his subjects. The Cossacks appealed to the experience of the Commonwealth, where the Polish king swears allegiance to his subjects. Bogdan Khmelnitsky managed to extinguish the conflict that had begun by persuading the foreman to take a one-sided oath. But there were many such episodes in the future, and they demonstrated the fundamental difference in political cultures.

Moscow looked at Ukraine like any other annexed territory: since the Cossacks asked to be accepted "under the high hand of the Tsar of Moscow," they became his subjects and must correspond to this status. Russia, in the conditions of wars with Poland, Sweden, Turkey in the second half of the 17th century, which took place, among other things, on Ukrainian territory, wanted from the population of this territory not rebellions and "self-will", but political unity and a military alliance (after all, about patronage, protection , joint actions against Poland asked Alexei Mikhailovich Bogdan Khmelnitsky). The Cossacks, on the other hand, wanted to reserve the right to act according to their own will, up to the choice of foreign policy allies, the revision of treaties, etc. Moscow saw this as a danger of treason, rebellion, and cooperation of the Cossacks with Russia's military opponents. There was a mutual tragedy of misunderstanding of the parties, which quite often accompanies unification processes, the creation of empires and powers (recall the annexation of Novgorod by Ivan III, etc.).

The situation was complicated by the fact that for the Cossacks to demand from the authorities the satisfaction of their needs in exchange for political loyalty, to threaten a rebellion against the ruler, to bargain with the authorities was a habitual model of behavior within the framework of the Commonwealth. In Russia, such a style of relationship was impossible and was considered treason, rebellion. That is why the attempts of some Ukrainian politicians of the 17th century. abandon the decisions of the Pereyaslav Rada and maneuver between Russia and Poland (for example, the Gadyach Treaty) were regarded by Alexei Mikhailovich as a betrayal and rebellion.

This was the reason for the complications in Russian-Ukrainian relations in the second half of the 17th century. Ukrainian Cossacks took part in hostilities against Russia (the most famous is the Battle of Konotop in 1659, which today in Ukrainian national historiography is revered as a victory of Ukrainian weapons over the "Muscovites"). In turn, Russia was suspicious of disloyal hetmans, curtailed their powers, used force against the Cossacks who opposed her. The situation was aggravated by the fact that there was no unity among the Ukrainian elite, and its representatives often sent denunciations to Moscow themselves, accusing each other of "treason."

Moreover, since 1658, from the battle in the tract Zhukov Bayrak between the supporters of Martin Pushkar and Ivan Vyhovsky, clashes between Ukrainians began. Hetmans, colonels, Cossack foremen, supporters of Russia, Polynia, Turkey and just their "field commanders" began to fight each other. In fact, in the second half of the XVII century. in Ukraine, a civil war broke out, complicated by frequent military clashes with foreign troops. Battles with Turkey during the so-called Chigirin Wars of 1677–1681 turned Ukraine into a "man-made desert". It really was the Ruin. According to the Ukrainian historian Η. N. Yakovenko, it ended only in the 1680s. "not because the brothers were horrified, looking back at the rivers of spilled blood, but because there was no one to kill each other."

Some stabilization in the Ukrainian lands begins only after 1687. The new hetman Ivan Mazepa (1687–1709), who came to power, managed to suppress all internal uprisings and improve relations with the Russian monarchy. In 1687, a new treaty was concluded - the "Kolomatsky Articles", which regulated the position of Ukraine in the nascent Russian Empire. According to them, both the "Little Russian" and the "Great Russian" peoples were equalized in status and were now called "unanimously everywhere": "subjects of Their Tsarist Most Serene Majesty of the autocratic state" of the Russian tsar.

Reunification of Ukraine with Russia (1654)

Another huge problem of the reign of Alexei Mikhailovich was again in the Cossacks. This problem was called Bogdan Khmelnitsky. Having raised a rebellion in his Cossack outskirts in Poland, having the hope of obtaining benefits from the king, Bogdan tried with all his might to drag the Russian tsar into a new war. He wrote letters to Moscow, declaring that he was ready to be transferred under the authority of the tsar if he sent money and troops. In Moscow, they thought for a long time about the petition: it was nice to annex Ukraine, but not to fight with Poland. Therefore, Moscow pulled as best it could. Pulled with awards and the Polish king. Bogdan was confused. However, he found a way out - he resorted to a plebiscite. On January 8, 1654, the Rada met, at which Khmelnitsky proposed the following issue for resolution: “Pan colonels, captains, centurions, the entire Zaporizhian army and all Orthodox Christians! Apparently, we can no longer live without a tsar, so choose from four - the Turkish tsar, the Crimean khan, the Polish king and the Orthodox tsar of Great Russia, the tsar of the East, whom we have been constantly imploring for six years to be our tsar and pan. Tsar Turkish busurman: it is known what misfortune our brothers, the Orthodox Greeks, suffer from him; the Crimean Khan is also a Busurman; having made friends with him, we have suffered troubles; there is nothing to say about the oppression from the Polish pans! And the Orthodox Christian Tsar of the East is of the same piety with us: except for his royal hand, we will not find a better refuge. Whoever does not want to listen to us, let him go where he wants: free road!”

Rada sentenced to be under the eastern king.

An embassy with papers went to Moscow. Alexei had to gather an army against the Poles. Another Polish war began. The actions of the Russians were successful until the Swedish king went to fight Poland. Here both Moscow and Poland hastened to stop hostilities. Bogdan, who expected much more, made an alliance with the Crimean Khan and led him to the Poles. Moscow did not know what to do. Saved only by the death of Bogdan, which happened very timely. But even after his death, rebellious crowds wandered all over Ukraine. To decide which of the Cossack commanders is more worthy to replace Bogdan, messengers began to travel from Ukraine to Moscow. Meanwhile, the Swedes retreated, and Poland again got involved in the war with Russia. Actions went with varying success, only exhausting forces. In the end, both sides signed the Andrusovo peace treaty: according to it, the left side of the Dnieper departed for the Russians, and the right side for the Poles. But the conquered Lithuania had to be abandoned.

During the years of Alexei's reign, Razin's rebellion also took place, tailored according to the usual Cossack scenario. It took four years to subdue him. The fight against heretics was also coming to an end: the monks who seized the Solovetsky Monastery, refusing to accept the new order, held out against the troops from 1668 to 1676. He still waited for the pleasant news that the monastery had surrendered and the rebels were being hanged. The monastery was taken on January 22, and the king died soon after, on January 29, 1676. Alexei was married twice: from his first wife Maria Miloslavskaya he left two sons - Fedor and Ivan - and five daughters, from his second wife Natalya Naryshkina - son Peter and two daughters. The tsar named Fedor, who was barely 14 years old, the heir. The new tsar was in poor health and very young, the beloved boyar of the former tsar Matveev could rule on his behalf, but he was a relative of the Naryshkins, so the Miloslavsky family sent the old man into exile. The Miloslavskys began to rule the country. However, Tsar Fedor did not live long: in 1682 he died. He had no heirs: his first wife and child died in 1681, the king was urgently married again, but he lived in his second marriage for less than a month, the disease took its toll.